The Sons of God (Genesis
6:1-4)
Judging by the number of times the early church fathers
referred to Genesis 6:1-4 it would appear that the passage stirred their
interest then as much as it does modern readers. The identity of the Sons
of God was clearly a controversial subject. In the early centuries of the
church there were three main positions to choose from (unlike today when the
number has increased to nine or more). A few Jewish sources (Symmachus, Aquila
and the Targums) identify the Sons of God as the sons of nobles or
kings who married below their rank.(1) This view has no
support in the text of Genesis and is not found in the writing of the early
Christians. For them the choice appears have been between identifying the
Sons of God as fallen angels or as the descendants of Seth.
The church fathers were far from united when it came to the
origin of the fallen angels (See Table 5.1). Some held
that fell at about the same time as Satan (whether this is before the creation
of the world or after). Others linked the fall to the events described in
Genesis 6, which also goes some way to explain why they considered this passage
so important. Justin Martyr(2) and Lactantius(3) believed in the latter, identifying two classes of fallen
spirits: the fallen angels and their offspring. Tertullian likewise believed
that some of the angels fell through lust for women and referred to their
offspring as a more wicked demon-brood.(4)
Irenaeus writings are ambiguous on the subject but appear to indicate
that he believed in two separate angelic falls.(5) In one of
the earliest references to the passage Irenaeus draws heavily on 1 Enoch 6-9
when he writes the following:
And wickedness very long-continued
and widespread pervaded all the races of men, until very little seed of justice
was in them. For unlawful unions came about on earth, as angels linked
themselves with offspring of the daughters of men, who bore to them sons, who
on account of their exceeding great were called Giants. The angels, then,
brought to their wives as gifts teachings of evil, for they taught them the
virtues of roots and herbs, and dyeing and cosmetics and discoveries of
precious materials, love-philtes, hatreds, amours, passions, constraints of
love, the bonds of witchcraft, every sorcery and idolatry, hateful to God; and
when this was come into the world, the affairs of wickedness were propagated to
overflowing, and those of justice dwindled to very little.(6)
Tatian,(7) Clement of Alexandria(8) and Tertullian(9) all echo Irenaeus
statements and his use of 1 Enoch in attributing to the fallen angels the
origin of the magic arts and cosmetics. It is not difficult to account for the
influence of 1 Enoch on the early church writers. After all it was the only
(what we now call) apocryphal book explicitly cited in the New Testament (Jude
14, cf. 1 Enoch 1:9).(10) The Ethiopian church accepted the
book into its canon(11) and the writer of the Epistle of
Barnabas approved of it,(12) as did Tertullian,(13) even though the majority rejected it.(14)
Interestingly some of the later Fathers doubted the canonicity of Jude
precisely because it cited apocryphal books such as Enoch.(15) The influence of the Book of Enoch and the popularity of
the Septuagint (which translated sons of God as angels)
in the early church may explain why no Christian writer challenged the view
that the Sons of God were angels until the third century AD. With the rejection
of the canonicity of Enoch there was a corresponding decline in the
angel interpretation of the sons of God. In a similar
way the idea of a fall (or second fall) of the angels prior to the Flood drops
out of theological history after the time of Lactantius. From that point on the
view that the Sons of God were purely human - the descendants of Seth - began
to dominate. As can be seen from Table 5.2 the other
early references to the Sethite theory were found in Jewish sources that few of
the early Christian would have had access to. It was not until after the middle
of the second century that a Christian writer (Julius Africanus) suggested that
the 'sons of God' were Sethites.
Name |
Date |
Time of Fall |
Reference |
Genesis 3 |
Genesis 6 |
Justin Martyr |
c.100-c.165 |
|
X |
2 Apology 5, 7 |
Tatian |
110-180 |
X |
|
Address, 7 |
Irenaeus |
c.115-202 |
X |
X |
Heresies 3:23; 4.40.1; Proof, 16 |
Tertullian |
c.160-c.225 |
|
X |
Apology 22 |
Lactantius |
240-320 |
|
X |
Institutes 2.14-15 |
Augustine |
354-430 |
X |
|
City 15.23 |
Many writers including Tatian and Athenagoras, saw
extrabiblical support for the angel interpretation of the Sons of God in the
Greek legends of the gods having children by human women. Such references
demonstrated to them both the veracity of the biblical account and the
corruption of the pagan versions of the events it described.(16) Eusebius believed that the sons of God of Genesis 6
were fallen angels and found further evidence for this in the writings of the
Greeks.(17) These beings were openly hostile to God and were
responsible for introducing mankind to the black arts of witchcraft and
sorcery, bringing the whole of the human race under judgement. This judgement
took the form of the Flood, which destroyed everyone one earth, except Noah and
his family.(18) It is noteworthy that Eusebius sees a strong
connection here between the activities of the Sons of God and
the Flood that followed. John Chrysostom, for his part, argued that the
sons of God of Genesis 6:1-4 were the descendants of Seth, pointing
out (incorrectly) that the Bible does not refer to angels by that name (cf. Job
1:6; 2:1).(19) Augustine accepted that not only were those
who lived before the flood long-lived,(20) but they were of
great size. In support of this Augustine described how he himself found a
human(?) molar on the shore of Utica 100 times larger than one of his and noted
the discoveries of giants tombs, citing Virgil as his source.(21)
Today the debate seems to have gone full circle. with the
majority of modern scholars now holding to the angel interpretation. This view
finds support in Psalm 29:1; Job 1:6; 2:1; & 38:7 and New Testament
references to the antediluvian world in Jude 6, 1 Peter 3:19-20 and 2 Peter
2:4. Those who reject this identification point to a saying of Jesus found in
all three synoptic gospels which they claim proves that angels are sexless, and
therefore incapable of interbreeding with human women under any circumstances
(Matt. 22:30; Mark 12:24-25; Luke 20:35-36). F.B. Huey in his discussion of
these passages writes:
...a careful, unprejudiced reading
of that text reveals that Jesus was making an analogy. He was not talking about
procreation but about relationships. He was saying that the relationship of
resurrected Christians will be different from the relationship experienced in
marriage on earth. He was no more saying that angels are sexless than he was
teaching that resurrected Christians will be neither male nor female.(22)
In an important article on the subject, W.A. van Gemeren
suggests that evangelicals have resisted the identification of the sons of God
with angels not on linguistic grounds, but because of difficulties in accepting
the possibility of interbreeding between angels and mankind.(23)
Robert C. Newman points out some interesting facts concerning the current
debate:
The present form of the debate is
rather paradoxical. On the one hand, liberal theologians, who deny the
miraculous, claim the account pictures a supernatural liaison between divine
beings and humans. Conservative theologians, though believing implicitly in
angels and demons, tend to deny the passage any such import. The liberal
position is more understandable with the realisation that they deny the
historicity of the incident and see it as a borrowing from pagan mythology. The
rationale behind the conservative view is more complex: though partially a
reaction to liberalism, the view is older than liberal theology.(24)
Date |
Writer |
Angels |
Sethites |
Reference |
c.250 BC |
Various |
X |
|
Septuagint, Gen. 6:3 |
165-64 BC |
Unknown |
X |
|
1 Enoch 6-19; 86-88; 106: 13-15, 17 |
150 BC |
Unknown |
X |
|
Jubilees 4:15, 22; 5:1 |
100 BC |
Unknown |
X |
|
Damascus Document (Qumran) 2:16-19 |
20 BC-50 AD |
Philo of Alexandria |
X |
|
Giants 6-7 |
37-100 AD |
Josephus |
X |
|
Antiquities, Book 1.3.1 (73) |
c.70 |
Pseudo-Philo |
|
X |
Biblical Antiquities 3:1-2 |
Late 1st Cent. |
Unknown |
X |
|
Genesis Apocryphon 2:1 |
Late 1st Cent. |
Unknown |
X |
|
2 Baruch 56:10-14 |
c.100-c.165 |
Justin Martyr |
X |
|
1 Apology 5; 2 Apology |
c.115-202 |
Irenaeus of Lyons |
X |
|
Demonstration 18; Heresies 16.2
|
c.130 |
Rabbi Akiba |
|
X |
[Greek translation of OT] |
130-160 |
Rabbi Simean b. Yohai |
|
X |
Genesis Rabbah 26:5-7 |
130-160 |
Rabbi Jose |
|
X |
Babylonian Talmud, Sanhedrin 108a |
2nd Cent. |
Athenagoras |
X |
|
A Plea for the Christians, 24. |
Late 2nd Cent. |
Symmachus |
|
X |
[Greek translation of OT] |
c. 150-215 |
Clement of Alexandria |
X |
|
Miscellanies 5.1.10 |
c.160-c.225 |
Tertullian |
X |
|
Idolatry 9; Veiling 7; Women, 1.2
|
c. 160-240 |
Julius Africanus |
|
X |
Chronology, Fragment 2 |
240-320 |
Lactantius |
X |
|
Divine Institutes 2.15 |
263-339 |
Eusebius of Caesarea |
X |
|
Eusebius, Preparation, 5.5 |
306-373 |
Ephrem the Syrian |
|
X |
Commentary on Genesis 6.3.1 |
340-397 |
Ambrose of Milan |
X |
|
Noah and the Ark 4.8 |
c.345-420 |
Jerome |
X |
|
Hebrew, 6.4 |
374-407 |
John Chrysostom |
|
X |
Homily on Genesis, 22.6-8 |
363-420 |
Sulpicius Severus |
X |
|
History, 1.2 |
354-430 |
Augustine of Hippo |
|
X |
City of God 15:22-23 |
KEY: X indicates
agreement with this view
* Based upon Robert C.
Newman, The Ancient Exegesis of Genesis 6:2, 4 GTJ, Vol. 5.1
(1984): 13-36 and Richard J. Bauckham, Jude, 2 Peter, WBC,
Vol. 50. (Waco: Texas, 1983), 51.
Table 5.3: Church
Fathers Who Attributed the Flood to the Events Described in Genesis
6:1-4
Date |
Church Father |
Reference |
d. 315-386 |
Cyril of Jerusalem |
Catechetical Lecture 2.8 |
363-420 |
Sulpicius Severus |
History 3 |
263-339 |
Eusebius of Caesarea |
Preparation, 7.8 |
263 - 339 |
Jerome |
Letter 10.1 |
Perhaps because of its controversial nature
Genesis 6:1-4 is often ignored when discussing the causes of the flood,(25) even though the strong link between them has been noted in
the past (see Table 5.3).(26)
One of the clearest examples from the early church is provided by
Jerome.
For when the first tiller of paradise had been entangled by
the serpent in his snaky coils, and had been forced in consequence to migrate
earthwards, although his deathless state was changed for a mortal one, yet the
sentence of man's curse was put off for nine hundred years, or even more, a
period so long that it may be called a second immortality. Afterwards sin
gradually grew more and more virulent, till the ungodliness of the giants
brought in its train the shipwreck of the whole world.(27)
Frederick Filby concurs, concluding his
discussion of the evidence of the early church fathers by noting that:
...although the whole subject is
mysterious the evidence for the angel interpretation is much the
stronger and that it is not only consistent with the early Hebrew mode of
expression but provides the adequate impetus for that great moral decline which
brought the Flood.(28)
©
1998 Robert I. Bradshaw
References
(1) Donat Poulet, The
Moral Causes of the Flood, Catholic Biblical Quarterly 4 (October
1942): 294.
(2) Jeffrey Burton Russell,
Satan: The Early Christian Tradition. (Ithaca & London: Cornell
University Press, 1981), 65-66.
(3) Russell, 156.
(4)Apology, 22
(ANF, Vol. 3, 36). Russell, 96.
(5) Russell, 81, n.
8.
(6) Irenaeus,
Demonstration, 18. Joseph P. Smith, St. Irenaeus: Proof of the
Apostolic Preaching. (London: Longmans, Green & Co., 1952),
58.
(7) Tatian, 2 Apology
5 (ANF, Vol. 1, 190): [God]... committed the care of men and of
all things under heaven to angels whom He appointed over them. But the angels
transgressed this appointment, and were captivated by the love of women, and
begat children who are those who are called demons; and besides, they
afterwards subdued the human race to themselves, partly by magical writings,
and partly by fears and the punishments they occasioned, and partly by teaching
them to offer sacrifices, and incense, and libations, of which things they
stood in need after they were enslaved by lustful passions; and among men they
sowed murders, wars, adulteries, intemperate deeds, and all
wickedness.
(8) Clement,
Miscellanies 5.1.10 (ANF, Vol. 2, 446): To which also we
shall add, that the angels who had obtained the superior rank, having sunk into
pleasures, told to the women[13] the secrets which had come to their knowledge;
while the rest of the angels concealed them, or rather, kept them against the
coming of the Lord.
(9) Tertullian,
Women, 1.2 (ANF, Vol. 4, 14-15).
(10) F.F. Bruce, The
Canon of Scripture. (Downers Grove, Illinois: IVP, 1988), 51.
(11) Bruce, Canon,
85.
(12)Barnabas, 16:4
(ANF, Vol. 1, 147.
(13) Tertullian,
Women, 1.3 (ANF, Vol. 4, 15-16).
(14) Origen makes a clear
distinction between the Book of Enoch and the canonical Scriptures: And
in the book of Enoch also we have similar descriptions. But up to the present
time we have been able to find no statement in holy .Scripture in which the
Holy Spirit could be said to be made or created? Origen,
Principles, 1.3.3 (ANF, Vol. 4, 252); cf. Celsus, 5.54
(ANF, Vol. 4, 567). The present writer is in agreement with S. Thelwall
when he writes: The fact that St. Jude refers to Enochs
prophesyings no more proves that this book is other than apocryphal than St.
Pauls reference to Jannes and Jambres makes Scripture of the
Targum. (ANF, Vol. 4, 26.)
(15) Eusebius,
History, 2.23.25: These things are recorded in regard to James,
who is said to be the author of the first of the so-called catholic epistles.
But it is to be observed that it is disputed; at least, not many of the
ancients have mentioned it, as is the case likewise with the epistle that bears
the name of Jude, which is also one of the seven so-called catholic epistles.
Nevertheless we know that these also, with the rest, have been read publicly in
very many churches. (NPNF, 2nd series, Vol. 1, 128).
Jerome, Letter 181.4:
Jude the brother of James, left a short epistle which is reckoned among
the seven catholic epistles, and because in it he quotes from the apocryphal
book of Enoch it is rejected by many. Nevertheless by age and use it has gained
authority and is reckoned among the Holy Scriptures. (NPNF, 2nd
series, Vol. 3, 362).
(16) Tatian, 2
Apology 5 (ANF, Vol. 1, 190); Athenagoras, Plea, 24-25
(ANF, Vol. 2, 141-143).
(17) Eusebius,
Preparation, 5.4-5 (Gifford, Part 1, 203-207).
(18) Eusebius,
Preparation, 7.8 (Gifford, Part 1, 331-332).
(19) John Chrysostom,
Genesis, 22.6-8 (Hill, 72-74).
(20) Augustine admits that
he cannot support this with evidence outside Scripture, but is content to rely
on its testimony. City, 15.9 (Bettenson, 610).
(21) Augustine,
City, 15.9 (Bettenson, 609-610); Virgil, Georgias, 1, 4, 93-97.
Later writers suspected that what the tooth that Augustine found actually
belonged to an elephant. See Sir Henry H. Howorth, The Mammoth and the
Flood: An Attempt to Confront the Theory of Uniformity with the Facts of Recent
Geology. (London: Sampson, Low, Marston, Searle and Rivington, 1887),
30.
(22) Wiseman,
142.
(23) Ronald L. Numbers,
The Creationists: The Evolution of Scientific Creationism. London:
California University Press, 1993), 155.
(24) Wiseman, 122,
177.
(25) Wiseman cites Dickie,
121. Wiseman, 122. Wiseman omits full bibliographic details and a page
number.
(26) Victor P. Hamilton,
The Book of Genesis 1-17, NICOT. (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1990), 55; Augustine, City, 11.6 (Bettenson, 435-436).
(27) Jerome, Letter
10.1 (NPNF, 2nd series, Vol. 6, 11).
(28) Roger Forster &
Paul Marston, Reason & Faith: Do Modern Science and Christian Faith
Really Conflict? (Eastbourne: Monarch Publications, 1989),
358. |